Book Review: HENRY KISSINGER: ON CHINA
First published in 2011 by The Penguin Press, a member of Penguin Group (USA) Inc.

DOES HENRY REALLY UNDERSTAND CHINESE?

In a few days, it will be June 4 and the 24th Anniversary of Tienanmen.  In a week, the new Chinese President Xi Jinping will meet with President Barack Obama for
the first time in California to discuss security issues.  
This is also the year of the 90th birthday of Henry Alfred Kissinger.    It is a propitious time to review the Nobel
Peace Prize Laureate's latest book,  "ON CHINA."   Dr. Henry Kissinger is a teacher, as well as, a practitioner extraordinaire of Realpolitik - in the footsteps of
Machiavelli, Richelieu, Bismark, and his contemporary, President Richard M. Nixon.   

In his book, Dr. Kissinger turns his attention from Europe and gazes further eastward towards China. Given global realities, he could have focused directly on China by
going westward, since he writes from the American national interest.   The United States of America entered the world stage in the name of democracy by exerting
power across the Atlantic Ocean but presently, prominence must also be exerted across the Pacific.  This geopolitical reality is almost unique to the United States and
may be readily inferred from the book.

It is through his analysis of the balance of power in Europe that Dr.  Kissinger made his mark as a scholar, but he is indebted to China for his renown as a statesman.  
But does Henry really understand Chinese?  Let us explore this further.

Dr.  Kissinger opens his book by calling China a "Singularity," noting that China is the only ancient civilization that does not have a founding myth, a story of how a
people began.   Reading the first few pages, one is beguiled into thinking that Dr. Kissinger's interest in writing about China is sublimely philosophical, even
theological.   This is furthest from the truth because it quickly becomes obvious that his interest firmly lies in the practical aspects of a cooperative Sino-American
relationship, notwithstanding the deep cultural and ideological divides that bedevil the liaison.

Quickly, Kissinger launches into an analysis of the ancient Chinese game of
wei qi (better known in the West as "go") and the perceptive reader can grasp that he also
has on his mind the American game of "containment" (à la George Kennan).   On matters of Chinese antiquity, Kissinger has the audacity to place Sun Tzu on an equal
plane with Confucius, this being sure to raise some Chinese eyebrows.   I count him as quoting Sun Tzu on War more often than Confucius on Ethics (whom he
merely mentions), perhaps revealing that Kissinger knows that Sino-American relations have been strained by war, such as the Vietnam and Korean Wars (where US
troops engaged Chinese).   

This takes us to the purpose of Dr. Kissinger's book - how to continue mutually beneficial and peaceful relations between two superpowers.  Dr. Kissinger waxes
nostalgic about Triangular Diplomacy (USA-USSR-China) and his pivotal but then secret role in setting up the Nixon-Mao meeting in China in 1972 and the Shanghai
Communiqué.  He shares, somewhat but not quite all pedagogically, key details of his various intimate conversations with Chinese leaders such as Chairman Mao,
Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaopeng (dubbed "The Indestructible Deng"), Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao. These colorful dialogues which transpired over many decades, span  
humorously earthy quips (e.g. "touching the tiger's buttocks"), fearsome saber-rattling, and other calculated tantrums (e.g. Mao's diatribes on his lack of fear of atomic
weapons when China still was without the Bomb) - all of which promise to be a good hearty read.   Kissinger in his polished fashion is gentle, even generous in
describing friend and foe, domestic or foreign; when necessary he resorts to adjectives such as "prolix" and "mordant."

None can write a book on modern China without coming to grips with the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre.  Dr. Kissinger's account has drawn criticism from many
quarters,   The penchant of the former National Security Advisor and Secretary of State for secrecy is legendary.  His perceived disdain for imposing democracy and
the knee-jerk advancement of human rights (such as the little triangle between China-Vietnam-Khmer Rouge) have also earned him many critics.  

The New York Times has noted that "the severest test of the quasi alliance, of course, was the brutal suppression of democratic strivings in Tiananmen Square in
1989," and "that violent crackdown also tested Kissinger’s tolerance for the assertion of American values in foreign relations."  In his defense, it must be said that
Kissinger, at all times, gives priority to the perpetuation of cooperation between China and the USA.  His highest values, perhaps as a result of infantry combat
experience during the Allied advance on Berlin and subsequent civilian work for nuclear arms control during the Cold War, are found ultimately in the effort to avoid
tensions that may precipitate war.   

Kissinger must be somberly read in all the chapters for anyone to come to any conclusion on this complex balancing of values, but perhaps this quote from the book
can get the inquiry started:  “The best outcome in the American debate would be to combine the two approaches: for the idealists to recognize that principles need to be
implemented over time and hence must be occasionally adjusted to circumstance; and for the ‘realists’ to accept that values have their own reality and must be built
into operational policies.”

Dr. Kissinger closes his tome with that well worn Question, "Does History Repeat Itself?"  Well versed in the peace protocols attempted at Westphalia onwards to
Yalta (-Potsdam), he seeks to extend the lessons of 20th century Europe, including a presentation of the Eyre Crowe Memorandum on pre-World War I Germany to
interactions with China in the 21st.  China now as the newest superpower will more and more bring her understanding of "Bringing Peace Under Heaven" (平天下 -
ping tian xia) to bear on affairs of the world.   So, we come full circle to that first question - does Henry really understand Chinese?  

This question has fascinated me for a while.  Even after reading "On China" a few times over, it is not very apparent or clear that Henry does understand Chinese.  All
the salient conversations he recounts in the book were conducted through English-Chinese interpreters.  He never incorporated Chinese script in his book.  In the
Preface, he acknowledged that the lawyer Schuyler Schouten assisted with translations of Chinese documents.  Nonetheless, it will not surprise me that over the years
Dr. Kissinger indeed has mastered a working command of a difficult language, but in the best traditions of the land of Crouching Tigers and Hidden Dragons, he has,
perhaps out of  modesty, or more likely, pragmatism, never professed his competence.
1


1
Unlike President Jiang Zemin, who according to Kissinger, "with non-Chinese visitors, ...
regularly incorporated English or Russian or even Romanian expressions into his presentations
to emphasize a point  - shifting without warning between a rich sense of Chinese classical
idioms and such American colloquialisms as 'it takes two to tango.'"
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毛泽东 Mao Zedong (aka Mao Tse-tung)


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A WIN IN THE U.S.  SIXTH CIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS. On August 18, 2014 in Nifadev v. Holder, (Case No. 13-3704/4222
6th Cir. 2014), the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit held that Mikheil B. Nifadev has proven his claim that he
had suffered persecution by reason of his Russian ethnicity at the hands of the security and regular police of Uzbekistan.   The
Court vacated the decision of the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) in Washington, D.C. which had denied Mr. Nifadev asylum,
and the Court remanded the case with additional instructions to the United States Attorney General, including that the BIA should
determine whether the BIA should also reconsider its denial of Nifadev’s application for withholding of removal and protection
under Convention Against Torture (abbreviated CAT for Convention Against Torture And Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment of the United Nations) in light of the opinion of the Court.  The Sixth Circuit opinion essentially and
explicitly held that
"[b]ecause the IJ [Immigration Judge] appears to have erred in her determination that Nifadev did not suffer
past persecution and because the IJ clearly misinterpreted Nifadev’s credible testimony regarding the ethnic animus of the
Uzbekistan security officials, we find that Nifadev has made out a credible case of being a refugee under the definitions of
8 U.S.C. § 1158(b)(1)(A)."
 [Emphasis added].   The United States Immigration Court in Cleveland, Ohio, had initially
found Mr.  Nifadev and his witnesses to be credible but declined to grant asylum because it erroneously determined that
Mr. Nifadev had NOT suffered persecution.   Shown in photograph on the right is Mr. Mikheil B. Nifadev with Charleston
C. K. Wang, Esq.  who represented Mr. Nifadev during trial and both appeals. To read complete opinion, please
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Pursuant to the Sixth Circuit opinion, the BIA on January 5, 2015, ordered the Immigration Court to grant asylum to Mr. Nifadev.
To read the BIA order, please
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Somewhere near lie biblical Sodom & Gomorrah.
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Mr. Nifadev applied for permanent resident status in March, 2017.
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Jesus said “Let the little children come to me, and do not stop them; for it
is to such as these that the kingdom of heaven belongs.”  Matthew 19:14
The Holy Eucharist at Christ Church Cathedral in the City of Cincinnati

THIS IS NOT THE USA!
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
WELCOMES YOU  IN HAPPY 2021!
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                                           WE MUST RESTORE RESPECT FOR AND CONFIDENCE IN OUR COURTS

At this juncture of our Nation’s history, perhaps the most urgent and largely overlooked need is the need to restore respect for
and confidence in our judiciary.   Our courts, that third branch of our government, are vital to the proper functioning of a
checked and balanced democracy. During the last four years, respect for the courts have been eroded from many sides.

The most blatant and latest example is the recent refusal to accept the findings of many courts at all levels of a fair presidential
election, one that is free of major voting irregularity.  By a recent count 62 lawsuits had been filed in various state and federal
courts alleging a “rigged” or “stolen” election, but  the judges in 61 of the cases have found the voting to be fair and reliable.  
Only one court in Pennsylvania ordered the recheck of voter IDs to cure any alleged defects.  Yet the messaging of a rigged and
stolen election continued after the courts have upheld the integrity of the election process based on the evidence presented.  
This deliberate refusal to respect the impartial and apolitical judgment of the courts directly led to the attack on the United States
Congress, our first branch of government, resulting in destruction of property and loss of life.

Since the days of partisan driven dispute between William Marbury and James Madison, the courts have labored to protect our
democracy and enhance our liberties by resolving disputes at all levels using the rule of law and application of reason.  The
fundamental benefit is that major arguments and dangerous disagreements are settled without final recourse to armed force.  

Our system of constitutional government entrusts the judiciary to stay above the political pushing and shoving to render
judgments that transcend the political divide.  Indeed, the judiciary is the last recourse for persons without political power.  While
judgments sometimes are imperfect, and inevitably not all parties can be satisfied, our social contract advises us to accept a
judge’s decision and we must remind ourselves that this the why we went to the court in the first place.  

In a nation that is founded on rugged individualism and reasoned revolution, there will be occasions when we are bedeviled by
thoughts of taking the law from the courts and into our own hands.  The consequences are always dire, tragic and regrettable.   
In the final analysis, it falls upon each and everyone of us to maintain confidence in and respect for our judges and Justices of
the third branch of our constitutional government.

Respectfully submitted.

Charleston C. K. Wang,   Updated January 25, 2021.
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Charleston C. K. Wang and Abraham Gadji
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WITH RENOWNED MALAYSIAN AMERICAN CHEF PAUL LIEW OF SAGO RESTURANT IN MOUNT LOOKOUT, CINCINNATI
WHO SERVED ROAST DUCK DURING PRIME MINISTER MARGARET THATCHER'S COMMONWEALTH TOUR TO KUALA LUMPUR in 1989.
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Makan makan sedap - just like my teenage years in Kuala Lumpur.
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Je suis très heureuse de faire partie d'un groupe qui peut vraiment faire une différence!